Zehut

No clear public Zehut position was found on establishing a state commission of inquiry into the events of 7 October. This means that no source was found, not that the party is neutral.

Zehut's official 2026 election platform proposes directly limiting judicial review of policy decisions. Ben Ari joined Zehut and was placed second on its list; the official website presents the updated edition as the platform on which the party is running. The joint-run agreement also reinforces the institutional direction of returning power to elected representatives, so support remains coded with high confidence.

No party position on limiting a prime minister to two consecutive terms was found in the official sources and interviews reviewed. The absence of a position indicates neither support nor opposition.

The sources reviewed contained no party document, quotation, or Knesset action that fully resolves the mechanism in the thesis: cancelling unequal allocations and transferring them to the regular budget, even at the cost of undermining an existing agreement. General criticism of the budget is insufficient.

Zehut's 2026 platform explicitly states that elected officials are required to act in accordance with the law but are not required to follow the advice of their legal adviser. This is consistent with acting contrary to a legal opinion so long as neither the law nor a court prevents it. Confidence is high because this is the official platform on which Zehut is running in the 2026 election.

Feiglin presented a model of full Israeli rule in Gaza rather than a regional–international framework. The Feiglin–Ben Ari agreement adopts victory, conquest, and full Israeli sovereignty as the joint list's position. The combination of a specific model and a joint commitment warrants opposition with high confidence.

Feiglin calls for full Israeli rule in Gaza, and the joint agreement with Ben Ari adopts victory, conquest, and full Israeli sovereignty. At a minimum, this model entails the security control and freedom of action described in the thesis and warrants support with high confidence.

Zehut's platform rejects a Palestinian state, while the joint agreement with Ben Ari adopts full Israeli sovereignty and presents the alliance as an alternative to the Oslo Accords. The continuity of the party's position and its joint adoption warrant opposition with high confidence.

Zehut's platform proposes applying sovereignty throughout Judea and Samaria, while the Feiglin–Ben Ari agreement commits the list to conquering parts of the homeland and applying full Israeli sovereignty. Because Area C is included within this broader position, support remains coded with high confidence.

Zehut's 2026 platform presents an explicit mixed position: it does not reject all service by women in combat, but it opposes expanding integration as a gender-equality objective and emphasises operational needs and religious sensitivities. Neutral remains the most accurate coding; confidence is high because this is the official platform on which Zehut is running in the 2026 election.

Feiglin presented an explicit plan to renew settlement in Gaza; Ben Ari, who joined Zehut and was placed second on its list, published an explicit message on his official channel supporting Jewish settlement in the Gaza Strip; and the joint agreement adopts renewed settlement throughout the Land of Israel. The two leading candidates and the agreement align with the thesis, so confidence remains high.

In February 2026, Feiglin expressed unequivocal support for executing terrorists. Ben Ari previously introduced a bill that included a mandatory death penalty for terrorists who commit murder. Ben Ari's source is old, but it records a precise parliamentary action that he has not been found to have reversed; together, the two list leaders warrant support with high confidence.

Zehut's 2026 platform proposes brief induction for broad sections of the public, but exempts women from compulsory service and defines civil work by Arabs as voluntary. The model therefore does not impose compulsory military or civilian service on all population groups as required by the thesis. Confidence is high: Ben Ari joined Zehut and was placed second on its list, and the official website presents the updated edition as the platform on which Zehut is running in the 2026 election.

Feiglin was found to support Haredi conscription, but no direct and current party source was found that resolves the precise personal and economic sanctions described in the thesis.

Feiglin pledged to allow civil marriage, and the official platform seeks to remove the state from the marriage monopoly. The direct commitment is relatively old.

Zehut's 2026 platform commits to an alternative, voluntary civil Hebrew-law system used only with both parties' consent, and recognises that private arbitration may apply any legal system that does not conflict with state law. This directly covers rabbinical arbitration and, under the stated viewpoint-neutral rule, Sharia-based arbitration as well. Confidence is medium—not high—because Sharia courts are not named and the platform seeks special state status only for the Hebrew-law system.

Zehut's 2026 platform states that local communities, rather than a nationwide prohibition, should decide whether public transport operates on Shabbat in their area. This mechanism is nearly identical to the thesis. Confidence is high because this is the official Zehut platform on which the party is running in the 2026 election after Ben Ari joined the party.

Zehut's 2026 platform sets out a precise mechanism under which an institution that opts not to teach core curriculum subjects would be ineligible for a government education voucher. This directly supports making funding conditional. The official website presents it as Zehut's platform for the 2026 election after Ben Ari joined the party, so confidence remains high.

Zehut's platform discusses liberty and equality before the law, but no explicit reference was found to enshrining the right to equality and a prohibition on discrimination in a Basic Law.

No explicit rule was found in Zehut's platform or a recent statement by Feiglin on whether an Arab party that accepts the governing principles should be eligible to join the coalition.

Zehut's 2026 platform proposes a low flat tax with no brackets and rejects imposing higher taxation on high earners. This directly opposes the thesis. Because the official platform is presented as the party's platform for the 2026 election after Ben Ari joined Zehut, confidence remains high.

Zehut's 2026 platform goes beyond a generic free-market label: it commits the state to stop steering the market, broadly reduce regulation, and rely on competition to lower prices. Expanding a controlled-price food basket is a direct intervention of the kind the platform seeks to reduce, so the coding is disagree. Confidence is medium because the platform does not name the food price-control basket itself.

Zehut's 2026 platform calls for abolishing import tariffs and quotas and acknowledges that inefficient domestic producers could be harmed. The mechanism is precise and supports the thesis. Because this is Zehut's official platform for the 2026 election after Ben Ari joined the party, confidence remains high.

No provision was found in Zehut's platform on determining eligibility for day-care subsidies according to the mother's employment or the father's status.

Zehut's programme supports tax reductions and imports, but no source was found on the specific amount and order described in the thesis.

Zehut's May 2026 platform states that the party would abolish the use of administrative detention. Ben Ari, the second candidate on Zehut's list, explicitly opposed detention without evidence and stressed that this standard should apply to both Jews and Arabs. The official platform and Ben Ari's record reject the tool that the thesis would permit in exceptional cases, so opposition remains coded with high confidence.

No source was found in Zehut's platform or a recent statement by Feiglin that resolves whether individual assessment should replace the prohibition in the Citizenship Law.

Feiglin previously declined to commit to stopping conversion therapy. Such a refusal does not establish whether he supports or opposes a ban.

Zehut's 2026 platform defines protection rackets as a security threat and terrorism, and calls for transferring responsibility to the Shin Bet and using heavy war-fighting tools. This directly reverses the thesis's preference for a civilian-local programme over primary reliance on the Shin Bet and emergency tools. The source is both current and party-authorised, so confidence is high.

The transport chapter of Zehut's 2026 platform opposes heavy vehicle and fuel taxation used to fund public transport, seeks to reduce it, shift budgets from rail to roads, and end central government financing of public transport. That conflicts with both charging Gush Dan drivers an additional fee and dedicating it to public transport. Confidence is medium because the term 'congestion charge' does not appear in the platform.